Transcript: Multilateralism in A Multipolar World: Navigating Power and Norms

Ambassadors' roundtable within the 11th China and Globalisation Forum in Beijing running from May 22-24, 2025

This is the transcript of the ambassadors’ roundtable themed “Multilateralism in A Multipolar World: Navigating Power and Norms,” hosted by Center for China and Globalization (CCG) from the 11th China and Globalisation Forum.

The forum, jointly convened by the CCG and the Chinese People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries (CPAFFC), and co-organised by the Academy of Contemporary China and World Studies (ACCWS) and the China-United States Exchange Foundation (CUSEF), ran a three-day agenda from May 22 to 24.

The video recordings of the forum have been broadcast and remain available on the Chinese internet, as well as CCG’s official YouTube channel.

This is the next to last transcript of the series, after publishing the opening ceremony, opening roundtable, the roundtable on U.S.-China trade war narratives, the roundtable on the role of China and the Global South, and the roundtable on international regulatory cooperation.

The ambassadors’ roundtable was chaired by

• Henry Huiyao WANG, Founder and President, Center for China and Globalisation (CCG)

• Tammy Tam, Editor-in-Chief, South China Morning Post

• James Chau, President, China-United States Exchange Foundation (CUSEF); Goodwill Ambassador, World Health Organisation

Panellists include:

• Rahamtalla M. Osman, Ambassador of the African Union to China

• Dario Mihelin, Ambassador of Croatia to China

• Stephen Grabherr, Charge d’Affaires of the German Embassy

• Nicholas O’Brien, Ambassador of Ireland to China

• Paulo Jorge Nascimento, Ambassador of Portugal to China

• Marta Betanzos Roig, Ambassador of Spain to China

• HUANG Ping, Vice President, China-U.S. People’s Friendship Association (SCUSPFA); Former Chinese Consul-General in New York and Chicago; Former Chinese Ambassador to Zimbabwe

• Vebjørn Dsyvik, Ambassador of Norway to China

• Scott Dewar, Ambassador of Australia to China

• Marcelo Suarez Salvia, Ambassador of Argentina to China

The transcript is based on the video recording and has not been reviewed by any of the speakers.

Ambassadors’ Roundtable | Multilateralism in A Multipolar World: Navigating Power and Norms

Henry Huiyao WANG, Founder and President, Center for China and Globalisation (CCG)

Good morning, Excellencies, distinguished guests, and ladies and gentlemen,

It’s really great timing that we’re getting to the second day of the 11th China and Globalisation Forum. As we all know, yesterday was a really spectacular discussion. We had contributions from over 50–60 panellists and keynote speakers. It was very fruitful.

We’ve put this on YouTube, Twitter, and all the social media of CCG. There’s also been some coverage by Chinese media as well. And we’ve had a lot of attention given to this forum—probably, I would say, one of the largest gatherings of international participants in Beijing, in terms of think tank participants, policymakers, business executives, and all the parties concerned.

It’s a tradition that we do this every year. And out of this China and Globalisation Forum, one of the landmark events is the Ambassador Roundtable. We actually invite ambassadors every year to come to this roundtable. So this is a bit more formal. But we also have our monthly CCG VIP Luncheon, in which we invite many ambassadors, so we engage very well with the diplomatic corps and delegations of the Beijing international community.

It’s a great honour again to welcome all of you to this very important event. CCG is taking good notes and going to report back to relevant departments. Also, CCG newsletters will cover this for our friends around the world.

This morning’s topic is really about multilateralism in a multipolar world.

We know that a multipolar world is a reality. I was at the Munich Security Conference this year—the kickoff meeting in Berlin and one of the three sessions chaired by the Chairman of the Munich Security Conference. The Munich Security Conference focused on their flagship report this year on Multipolarity.

A few years ago, we heard Chancellor Olaf Scholz say, “A unipolar world is gone; a multipolar world is coming.” But what does the future hold to support this multipolar world?

The global order is undergoing a profound transformation, marked particularly by multipolarity, geopolitical fragmentation, and challenges to the effectiveness of global governance. We see the return of President Trump 2.0. We see quite a lot of unilateralism being practised. And we see scepticism toward multilateral institutions like the WHO—we had Ambassador for Goodwill James Chau here, of the WHO.

So this kind of background really sets the stage for today’s discussion: Where are the crossroads? Where are we going? What does the future hold for multilateralism in this fragmented, increasingly tense world?

We would love to hear the perspectives of our ambassadors, who are well-represented from many countries here. We really would appreciate your contributions.

Basically, we have set some questions, and I will now leave the moderation to our guest moderators we’ve invited today. Tammy Tam is the Editor-in-Chief of the South China Morning Post. And we know the South China Morning Post is in Hong Kong, and she flew from Hong Kong last night especially for this event. South China Morning Post is one of the largest circulated English newspapers, at least in the Asia region, and, of course, has a significant impact around the world.

We also have James Chau. He’s the President of the China–US Exchange Foundation, which is dedicated to promoting bilateral relations between China and the U.S.

I will leave the discussion to both Tammy and James, and I’m sure they will be highly skilful chairs and moderators.

Tammy, why don’t we start with you? Maybe you can say a few words, and then James can say a few words, and then you can take over from there as moderator.

Thank you.

Tammy Tam, Editor-in-Chief, South China Morning Post

Good morning, distinguished guests and all the Excellencies ambassadors. And also, of course, my heartfelt thanks to CCG and Dr. Wang. I think it’s wonderful for CCG to organise such a high-quality and fascinating forum. It’s also my privilege and great honour to be invited here as one of the moderators. I’m sure there will be a lot of thought-provoking insights from all the ambassadors.

Today, I see such a wonderful combination of speakers. We have all the top envoys representing different continents. We have ambassadors from the African Union, which represents 54 countries—right, Ambassador Osman? And we also have ambassadors from Latin America, Argentina, North America—Canada, Asia Pacific—Australia, and also many ambassadors from Europe—different countries, different regions in Europe. I’m sure it will be such a dynamic discussion later.

Also, thank you so much, Dr. Wang, for saying so many nice words about the South China Morning Post. Allow me a few minutes to talk a little bit about my publication.

So, I’m the Editor-in-Chief of the South China Morning Post. The South China Morning Post is Hong Kong’s major—actually, it’s the biggest and most influential English publication in the region. It has more than 120 years of history. It was acquired by Chinese tech giant Alibaba about 10 years ago, and since then, we have embarked on a digitisation journey.

Now, actually, our biggest market is in the United States. Our readership covers around the world. As I said, the biggest market is the U.S., the second is Southeast Asia—ASEAN—then followed by Europe, and, of course, our home city, Hong Kong, and the rest of the world, including some countries in Africa as well.

At SCMP, we focus on unboxing the many complexities of China, including Hong Kong, under the “One Country, Two Systems” formula. SCMP tries to present China in a holistic, unbiased, and factual way.

It’s great that I can represent SCMP to be here this morning. Of course, our topics later on will touch on many of the hot and pressing issues. The big elephant in the room, of course, is the tariff war launched by President Trump in April after his “Liberation Day” announcement, when the whole world just got a moment of relief after the Geneva tariff truce.

And now we see tension has escalated on another front—the tech front. The latest is that the U.S. is going to impose a blanket ban on all Chinese chips, when the Chinese government, the Ministry of Commerce, is now threatening to use legal weapons to introduce the anti-foreign sanctions law to retaliate.

So, how far will this go? Later on, I would also like to get the insights from all the ambassadors—whether your countries or companies in your countries will be deterred or have second thoughts when attempting any kind of deal with China, and whether you are still willing to use any of China’s technologies.

Dr. Wang just mentioned that the topic of our discussion today is about what the future holds. And in a multipolar world, it’s not easy to talk about multilateralism—a term that is being sidelined, if not completely given up, by the current U.S. Administration. So, at a time when uncertainty is the only certainty, it has never been so urgent for us to talk about this.

Also, allow me a few minutes to talk a little bit about Hong Kong. Under “One Country, Two Systems,” we are a free port. However, Hong Kong also has to suffer the same tariffs that the U.S. imposed on China because the U.S. does not recognise Hong Kong’s special status.

However, the Hong Kong government has made, I think, a wise decision to maintain Hong Kong as a free port: no tariffs, no duties, nothing. Even though there were some critical voices urging Hong Kong to follow mainland China and retaliate, we don’t. Hong Kong is still a free port. So, whatever business you want to do in Hong Kong, all tariff-free.

And there’s one very important number I want to share with you. Over the past 10 years, Hong Kong has realised a trade surplus with the U.S. of USD 271.5 billion. Hong Kong, actually, is among the largest places with a trade surplus with the U.S. among all of its global trading partners.

So, I think Hong Kong does have a special role to play in China’s development, and also [between] China with the rest of the world, and Hong Kong with the rest of the world, in terms of our trade and economic development.

So I will pause here and let my very good friend James say a few words before we start the panel discussion.

Thank you very much.

James Chau, President, China-United States Exchange Foundation (CUSEF); Goodwill Ambassador, World Health Organisation

Thanks very much, Tammy, and to Dr. Wang and Dr. Miao, for having us here.

CUSEF is very proudly one of the partners of this conference, because, as I said in the opening yesterday, it’s a platform—this CCG Forum—which really allows for an honest confrontation of the shared challenges that we’re all here to discuss, be it the geopolitical divisions, economic fragmentations, or just the general swell of uncertainty about the global future.

I also mentioned at the time yesterday that while no single meeting can solve the issues that are all front of mind today, each meeting matters. And this one in particular offers a chance to do something rare, which we believe very much is to listen across lines of difference and to build a shared framework that is flexible enough to evolve, yet firm enough to hold in choppy waters.

Well, I woke up this morning with a barrage of messages on my phone about the news, of course, from Harvard University—that its ability to enrol international students has been revoked, effective immediately.

And, of course, you know, in these first hours, there’s a lot of soul-searching, but also a rush to try and understand what that means—both for currently enrolled students and future students—and also whether they have the ability to find a place in another university, whilst, of course, also maintaining their legal status to remain in the United States.

This is something I was thinking about while listening to Dr. Wang and Tammy Tam because, of course, this is a challenge to the order of the world, where we look at our young people and their ability to thrive in an environment of learning, research, and teaching—where 27% of the students are international students.

Just very briefly on CUSEF. We were founded by Mr. C.H. Tung, who was the leader of Hong Kong in 1997—a statesman, a businessman. Where we really focus our work is on high-level dialogue, on student exchange I was just speaking of. We’ve brought well over 2,000 American students to China over the years, and students probably from most of your countries who are U.S.-based, and global initiatives such as the Guinea Worm Eradication Programme in parts of Africa, which has now gone from 3.5 million human cases to just 13 human cases today. So, we’re one of the many partners of The Carter Center in Atlanta in that particular global effort. And of course, like the CCG Forum, we have our annual meeting, but ours is in November each year.

I think that we’ve been thinking between us about what some of the framing questions could be. And certainly, the speakers here today are not restricted by any means to those thoughts. But as an idea, we were looking at, as Tammy said, the “Liberation Day” tariffs, and how the impact is being measured against inflation, growth, and supply chains globally, but also strategies that governments can adopt to mitigate risks in an increasingly fragmented landscape.

And how would foreign policy in a Trump 2.0 administration—prioritising bilateral deals over multilaterally negotiated frameworks—affect global institutions like the UN, WTO, WHO, which, of course, we all know well, and UNAIDS now announcing last week that it will be laying off half of its staff in an announcement last week? And how can alternative multilateral groupings that were set up many years ago, with the support of countries like China, be it BRICS and, of course, more established ones like the G20, effectively address the shared challenges where traditional multilateralism may have faltered or hesitated? And also, what are the practical steps that countries can take to preserve multilateral cooperation on climate, trade, and development in an era of geopolitical upheavals?

I think probably most of us would understand and accept that the order, as we’ve known it since the end of the Second World War 80 years ago, is rather different today. But I think also, we should be rather focused on the fact that it’s been 80 years since the beginning of a new kind of peace, and that some of those values, ideals, and ideas should probably hold firm as well.

So, we’re going to go through the ambassadors, Tammy and I. Perhaps I’ll start off with the first one, and Tammy will follow. But we’ll go first to His Excellency, the Ambassador from the African Union, for some of your comments on what we’re here to discuss today.

Rahamtalla M. Osman, Ambassador of the African Union to China

Good morning. To outset, I would like to express my gratitude to Dr. Wang and the Center for China and Globalization for inviting me once again to this Ambassadors’ Roundtable, which deals today with a very timely and important issue—which gains utmost consideration for a long time, and especially these days after the declaration of the U.S. tariff policy, which violates the global multilateral trading system.

The multilateral trading system has been the cornerstone of global economic growth for the past few decades. Hence, the U.S. unilateralism challenges the WTO and erodes its foundation.

Having said that, I will dwell on three issues related to the U.S. tariff policy, which is its impact on African economies, effects on global institutions like the UN, and thirdly, alternatives to this policy.

The adopted U.S. tariff policy means that the African Growth and Opportunity Act, which is a framework of trade between African countries and the United States, and which was established in 2000, will be challenged. It is supposed to end this September, but it’s not envisaged that it will be renewed under the Trump administration.

For African countries, this will negatively affect. These countries currently face economic predicaments characterised by high debt, high unemployment, high inflation, and low growth. If we add the impact of the U.S. tariffs, the situation is largely to worsen further.

African countries are likely to turn to alternative partners, such as China, to avoid the negative impact of the U.S. policy. At the same time, they need to coordinate a response for a positive reinstatement on tariffs during the 90-day period. They would also accelerate the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area, an agreement which also offers an alternative to U.S. policy.

With regard to the impact of the tariff policy on multilateralism, it is clear that Trump’s actions, though dramatic, represent a continuity in U.S. policy and the decline of multilateralism. The erosion of the world trade regime started well before Trump. The former President Obama was at odds with the WTO Appellate Body over judicial overreach. The retraction from climate obligations by Trump is not new—every other rich nation has been retracting everything, a sort of a trend that has been given an incredible speed and intensity by Trump.

The agreement at COP climate summits proved to be fake consensus because it was not about implementation. Furthermore, the U.S. announcement to review international treaties to which the U.S. is party and international organisations, namely, the UN specialised agencies, with the aim of withdrawal or slash of funding by almost 84%, including its UN contribution, is a serious blow to multilateralism and a violation to its legal obligations under the UN Charter.

The third point, it is evident that the structural shift in the global order has been quietly underway to counteract this unilateralism. It is true that since the early 1970s, we have been talking about a New International Economic Order. Large developing countries are expanding greater influence in world economic affairs, and are beginning to build alternatives to the Western-led institutions.

At the core of this movement is BRICS. The group accounts for one-quarter of global GDP, two-fifths of global trade in goods, and nearly 50% of the world’s population. BRICS challenges the dominance of the Bretton Woods institutions, which were influenced by the West.

A stronger BRICS could have a significant global impact in energy, trade networks, infrastructure, monetary policy, and technology. In an effort to lessen the impact of the dollar, the BRICS group intends to increase the number of its members and introduce new currency. Meanwhile, they transact on trade with their own local currencies.

This type of challenging the existing international economic order is brewing, and definitely, it will have an impact in the coming future. Thank you.

Tammy Tam

Thank you very much, Ambassador Osman, talking about Africa’s stance. I would like to raise some another question about Europe, since we have so many ambassadors from Europe, different regions of Europe.

So, this is a time when we see unilateralism growing under the Trump 2.0 administration. However, China has been adopting its multifaceted diplomacy policy all these years, proactively reaching out to many other countries and trying to maintain talks, while also maintaining talks with the U.S.

Actually, before I flew to Beijing late last night, I was in another international conference in Hong Kong earlier, and there was one veteran Chinese diplomat who went to Hong Kong for that forum. He made an interesting point. He said that due to the U.S. unilateralism—actually, he said that a plasticised Trump’s aggressive trade policy has fractured and cracked U.S. Western allies and also cracked the Western unity, especially the EU.

So, some also mentioned, China’s tactic actually is the kind of traditional Chinese wisdom—divide and rule. As this Chinese diplomat mentioned, this new situation may restrict the global order.

I would like to throw this question to all the ambassadors here from Europe: how do you see the EU’s relations with China? Do you agree that the Western unity has been kind of fractured under the tariff war? Thank you.

So, who wants to be the first? Let me go to the list. I would like to invite the Ambassador from Belgium first. Not yet? Why don’t we have the Ambassador of Croatia to China? Thank you.

Dario Mihelin, Ambassador of Croatia to China

Good morning to you all. Let me start by briefly answering your question. For Croatia as a new member state, like for many of my colleagues here—but they will express their positions later on—there is no doubt that enhanced cooperation with China on so many important global issues that we will mention here today, from climate change, development, security, is certainly something to pursue further. No doubt about it. With the present composition, the new composition of the European institutions, you will have a series of dialogues this year, and I’m quite certain that the Head of the EU Delegation will speak more about it in the next session.

But let me start by congratulating Henry, Mabel, and the whole CCG on organising this valuable forum again. We are all well aware that a new world order is nascent. Being realistic and provocative at the same time, I would echo those saying that it has even been a high time. Our world has changed dramatically since the end of the World War II, 80 years ago, with many new stakeholders, players of various powers, and challenges to address requiring some new norms, as the title of this roundtable so correctly points to.

Consequently, new international order is ahead of us, like it or not. What is important is to secure that its foundations and basic tenets are firm and principled, securing equality of all the members of the international community. Otherwise, succumbing to a law of the jungle, power struggle, lawlessness in the end, is a very certain and frightening eventuality. Not better is an outcome with a concert of powers which share spheres of influence, undermining freedoms and liberties of less powerful ones. Multipolarity for many has this potential ominous content behind, and this is often heard in so many conferences on the topic.

I am quite certain that most, if not all of us, would not like to see that. We all need stability and predictability. Tam, what you mentioned earlier—uncertainty is the only certainty—we don’t perceive that as good at the moment.

Personally, as communities, as states many of us represent here, multilateralism, effective multilateralism, especially with the efficient and responsive UN system at its core—and regardless of its flaws—remains essential for predictable, orderly, and peaceful international conduct and relations. This is the responsibility of all its members. The collapse of the multilateral system would only open the door to the spread of undemocratic practices and the promotion of policies and behaviours contrary to values, principles, and traditions at the core of the UN system.

Unjustified Russian war against Ukraine reminds us of the importance of preserving this order and demands a responsible response from everyone in the international community, particularly from the permanent members of the Security Council of the United Nations, calling for the respect of sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine, and bringing about just and sustainable peace, with all the atrocities condemned and perpetrators brought to justice. Might cannot be allowed to be right, and obsolete concepts of spheres of influence should be banished to history.

True, and sadly so, this is not the only conflict in the world today. There are many hot spots around the world we should focus on more, particularly on the African continent, with existential consequences for affected regions. But no other conflict brings more rampant challenges to the international community than this horrendous act by Russia. It is in our common and best interest to prevent such a scenario, which would inevitably lead to global instability and the multiplication of negative consequences from both ongoing and emerging crises.

We still have to recover a lot of lost ground in past years, but it is precisely through more communication in person, more listening to each other, really hearing each other’s sensitivities, that we gain better understanding and find space for cooperation so necessary in today’s turbulent world, thus rebuilding mutual trust.

However, in the current geopolitical situation, we are witnessing deepening divisions within the UN system and multilateral fora in general. The erosion of the authority of international law, including humanitarian law, is leading to a lack of trust and constructive dialogue among the UN member states.

This stands in a very sharp contrast to some major achievements within and under the auspices of the UN in years past. Last year, we agreed on the Pact for the Future, while in 2015, the historical Agenda for Sustainable Development was adopted. Here, one must mention also the Paris Agreement, pivotal in the fight against climate change, as well as efforts within the WHO on the promotion of universal healthcare, and let me stress here, all to be cherished and realised.

We must work collectively to counter the growing atmosphere of distrust and dissatisfaction between the Global North and South, using this term which is not necessarily adequate. Avenues of cooperation must be found and explored, including through multilateral fora. Artificial divisions, hyped by some misusing troubled history or emotional grievances, are a treacherous trajectory for the future of mankind.

Here, we must bear in mind: where we, as the responsible international law-abiding members of the international community, retreat, we leave room for others who will use this opportunity to spread their malign influence and twisted values.

Russia’s aggression against Ukraine has also encouraged other autocratic regimes to pursue their interests through violence and disregard for international law. Some seek to establish completely new mechanisms for regulating international relations in the context of peace and security.

It is reassuring that many UN member states are focusing on revitalising the UN system, particularly strengthening the role of the General Assembly in the area of peace and security. Given the dysfunctionality of the Security Council. The strengthening of the General Assembly’s role was also supported by the Veto Initiative, the resolution passed in 2022, which calls for discussions in the General Assembly after a veto is used within the Security Council.

Fairly soon, we will be selecting a new UN Secretary-General, whose role is critically important for the successful, efficient, and effective cooperation of the organisation, and by extension, the concept of multilateralism itself. The aforementioned Pact for the Future emphasises that no woman has ever held the position of Secretary-General, encouraging the nomination of female candidates and stressing the importance of merit-based selection, transparency, and inclusivity.

It’s worth noting that no representative from the so-called remnant of the times of the creation of the UN system—remnant of the so-called Eastern European group—has ever been selected for this role. At the same time, a significant number of UN member states are focused on reforming the Security Council, with many African countries demanding that substantive negotiations begin and that the existing intergovernmental negotiation process within the UN moves forward. A particular concern is the growing disagreement over the use of accepted concepts and the weakening of language related to international law, including humanitarian law and other issues.

The Croatian government will continue to do the utmost to advocate for the nexus of peace and security, sustainable development, humanitarian and human rights issues. We advocate the inclusion of other stakeholders—the private sector, academia, NGOs—considering them important partners in addressing global challenges.

Our world has changed dramatically indeed, and in these new circumstances, there is no alternative but to increase international cooperation based in the established tenets of the rule-based international order, buttressed by the global institution centred in the United Nations system and the corpus of international law.

Thank you.

Tammy Tam

Thank you very much, Ambassador. It’s great to hear from you your views on the many pressing issues, including the Ukraine war, Ukraine crisis. In particular, I’m so impressed that you talked about the critical role of the United Nations at this time of unilateralism and with trade war and tariff war, tech war, whatever war, and many conflicts in the world. I do believe the critical role of important international organisations like the United Nations and the World Trade Organisation, etc., should play a bigger role.

And I am a journalist, so I tend to combine questions within one big question—my big question just now is how the EU sees whether the unity is being cracked because of Trump’s tariff war and all this. And will you have different approaches in dealing with China and the U.S.?

So now I would like to take this question to our next ambassador. That’s the Special Envoy from the German Embassy, Stephen. Germany plays a very important role in the Ukraine crisis, and also, Germany remains a good partner with China as well in terms of trade and other fronts. So how do you see this—Germany, EU, China, and the role of international organisations amid all these tensions?

Stephen Grabherr, Charge d’Affaires of the German Embassy

Thank you very much, and giving a lot of credit to the organisers. To Henry Wang, thank you very much for having us.

I think we are observing the emergence of a multipolar world. Multipolarity, however, describes the state of affairs of international relations. Multipolarity is not a template and no guideline for an international order or international governance.

We are facing unprecedented times—grumbling international and regional order. And for us, the big elephant in the room, Russian aggression against Ukraine, has been a shocking breach of UN principles and persists as a fundamental threat to our people and Europe’s peace, Europe’s security architecture. We are also facing non-sustainable trade imbalances and, of course, unilateral actions that disregard multilateral mechanisms in trade.

You quite rightly ask: what can we do to preserve multilateral cooperation on climate, trade, development? We say we need to safeguard the fundamental concept and proven mechanisms, and at the same time, we need to adjust and improve existing formats. We oppose to trigger a process of chaotic disruption or, even worse, to follow a wrecking ball approach to multilateralism. No country will benefit from it.

The idea of multilateralism must be the overarching principle of a performing international order. There are many fundamentals of this multilateralism: the UN constitutes the international core, the prohibition of violence and supremacy of peaceful settlement, right of self-defence, commonly agreed rules, and UN rules-based order.

I want to draw your attention to another one: the equal participation and equal rights for all parties, especially countries. Those who are especially affected by global challenges, such as climate change or those affected by conflicts, need to be assured that the international system takes account and care of their special vulnerabilities.

This is why the international climate negotiations and our responsibility of climate finance pay special attention and work closely with small islands. We advocate that largest economies and also most important emitters will take special responsibilities in climate finance, not only South to South, but also in multilateral funding.

Let me give you three examples of how we can reform and improve the multilateral system.

Several days ago, we had a peacekeeping ministerial in Berlin. We want to modernise peacekeeping missions as an important instrument in international crisis management. We have to acknowledge that there are quite some challenges—ambitious mandates, financing issues, digital transformation, and so on. We have to talk about this, and we did in Berlin, where 134 states took part. And I just would like to remind you: the entire annual budget of UN peacekeeping is less than the cost of the most recent Olympic Games. During the conference in Berlin, a total of 74 UN members made important pledges.

My second example for successful multilateral reform process is the United Nations Pact for the Future that has been approved last year from the UN General Assembly, and together with our friends from Namibia, we have been co-facilitators for this Summit of the Future. And I think we all can say that expectations were fulfilled. The Pact for the Future realised future achievements from all different fields, and we established the first comprehensive global framework for digital cooperation and artificial intelligence governance. So, we can make a difference when we act together. We can be successful when we build on what we have and include different stakeholders, also like civil society and the private sector.

And my third and last example of successful cooperating and establishing multilateral structures is our cooperation with our neighbouring continent, with Africa. This is an example where the European Union, the African Union, we share the vision of an integrated market, of a vision of states being in an integrated state. Two days ago, we celebrated the third European Union–African ministerial meeting. European countries and the African Union together, we make 40% of UN votes. In a more multipolar and unstable world characterised by geopolitical rivalries and competition, Africa and Europe led what my new Foreign Minister said during this meeting—quote: “Africa and Europe, we are important and neighbouring centres of gravity.” Together, we can make a difference, and when it comes to peace and security, we need to make a difference.

To wrap up my remarks, we are convinced that multipolarity is just a mere description of the situation. A viable solution, however, a viable solution instead is a reform-oriented multilateralism. This is our way forward. Modern might be true. Multilateralism has to be built on existing structures and the UN system, and no to wrecking ball approach.

Tammy Tam

Thank you very much, Stephen, for your very well-argued comments. Multilateralism is the way forward. That’s great.

So, next, I would like to ask the Ambassador of Ireland to China. So, Your Excellency, how do you see this multilateralism and then this escalating trade war and when the world is also getting so unstable at the time? How can multilateralism still be forged and further enhanced? Your Excellency.

Nicholas O’Brien, Ambassador of Ireland to China

Great. Thank you very much indeed, Chair, and thank you to Henry and Mabel for the opportunity to be here this morning. And particularly timely, and I think particularly pertinent, the question about multilateral trading, because one of the points I do want to talk about today is the European Union, which actually started out, of course, as a trading system.

I think it’s a particularly timely discussion, given the world in which we’re living today, with so much going on—interstate conflicts, climate crisis, human rights violations, international humanitarian law violations, and economic shocks—these are dominating the landscape.

But I want to focus a little bit on that rules-based order and what we might learn, perhaps, about coming together with economic integration.

And just at the outset to say, of course, that from a geopolitical perspective, the multilateral system, with the UN Charter at its heart, remains our strongest protection, and it’s probably the most important global asset that we can rely upon. And I want to join with colleagues in condemning the appalling Russian aggression against Ukraine. And, of course, just say that’s not the only global conflict which we’re facing at the moment.

This multilateral system, it’s the foundation of our model and the cornerstone of our national well-being at a national level, and we need an international rules-based order to sustain and to underpin this. And if we lose this, I think we all end up in trouble.

So I think it behoves us all at a time like this not only to defend the model, but to try and strengthen it and to champion it. You spoke earlier, Chair, about the importance of multilateral organisations, and we believe that the World Trade Organisation provides a framework of rules. It ensures transparency, predictability, and equal treatment. And, of course, the WTO has been dogged by institutional issues.

So at a time when the international trading system itself is under threat, it’s important that we step back, remind ourselves of the benefit of working together to protect the gains which we have made.

And to give you an example of how economic cooperation can lead to deeper political integration, I think the best example of that is perhaps the European Union. This interconnectedness resulting from trade, it not only drives productivity and well-being, but also fosters interdependence, reducing the risk of conflict and deepening international cooperation.

The architects of the European Union realised back in 1957, by combining the instruments of war, which were then coal and steel, that nation states would be obliged to resolve their differences in a peaceful manner.

Today, the European Union is the largest democratic single market as the number one trading bloc. And since its establishment more than 30 years ago, the European Union single market has offered European consumers protection, safety, and greater choice. And the single market has developed as a launchpad for European companies, especially SMEs, and for foreign direct investments. It brings higher legal certainty, access to markets, economies of scale, and entire cross-border value chains. And of course, we’re hearing more and more now about value chains, not only European, but global value chains, and the need to protect them.

Turning to my own country, Ireland, it’s probably an excellent example of how that economic integration brought prosperity to a small country. We joined the European Economic Community as the European Union was known back in 1973, and then our GDP was only 53% of the European average. Today, it’s 135%. How do we do this? By facilitating trade, easing labour and capital mobility, reducing transaction costs, facilitating price stability, and increasing resilience to economic shocks. The European single market has provided enormous advantages to its member states.

Ireland, and indeed the European Union, will continue to pursue an outward-looking, open, rules-based approach to trade policy. It’s a distinctive pillar of the European Union’s economic model, and the EU is a key actor in the multilateral economic system, and as such, does much to strengthen global governance.

And I think it’s fair to say that the EU does not just work to further its own narrow interests. One of the most profound impacts of international trade is its role in lifting people out of poverty. One example of this—of how the EU promotes economic development—is the Everything But Arms instrument, an initiative under which all imports to the EU from the world’s least developed countries are duty-free and quota-free, with the exception of arms.

By integrating into the global economy, many developing countries have achieved economic growth, job creation, and income gains, helping hundreds of millions of people to transition from extreme poverty to improved living standards, with China, of course, having achieved this impressively.

So, to conclude, in the face of mounting international trade challenges, economic fragmentation, tariffs, and potential countermeasures, calm heads are needed. The European Union’s position is clear: we’re on the side of openness, negotiation, and sustainable solutions. We believe in partnership, but also fairness. And above all, we believe in a rules-based order that has underpinned peace and prosperity for over 70 years.

We’ll continue to push for a trading system that’s fair, transparent, and just, and we will also speak up for global cooperation, for a future where disputes are settled at the negotiating table. Thank you very much.

Tammy Tam

Thank you very much. Your Excellency Ambassador Nicholas, it’s so critical at this time we need to have a rule-based trade system, fair and just.

So now let me turn to Your Excellency, Ambassador of Moldova to China. When we are talking about rule-based and fair trade systems, Ambassador Nicholas just now mentioned trade is also very important to lift people from poverty. We understand besides trade and economy, peace is also super important as well.

The Ukraine crisis has been lasting for three years, and it’s all our hope that a truce or a peace deal may be reached, hopefully sooner than later. Your country neighbours with Ukraine, and I think this issue is also very deep in your heart. So, Your Excellency, Ambassador, how do you see the Ukraine crisis, plus this tariff war and other challenges? What are your takes on all these issues? Thank you.

Sorry, I think Ambassador, due to some other engagements, he’s not here. So now I’ll turn to the Ambassador of Portugal. So I just had a very brief chat with the Ambassador just now. I’m from Hong Kong, so Macau is our neighbour. So I travel to Macau all the time—actually, from time to time, frequently.

Macau has been designated by Beijing as an important city under one country, two systems, just like Hong Kong, as a super connector to connect China with all the Portuguese-speaking countries. Well, we have many countries speaking Portuguese, including some countries in Latin America as well.

So, Ambassador Paulo, how do you see your country’s relations with China and the trade and economic ties in the future, and Macau’s role amid this tariff war? Your Excellency.

Paulo Jorge Nascimento, Ambassador of Portugal to China

Thank you very much. Thank you for inviting me. Thank you to CCG. Well, great pleasure to be here.

Let me begin to answer your point. I mean, yes, indeed, Portugal and China have been closely cooperating through the Macau Forum for Cooperation with the Portuguese-speaking countries within the scope of the Portuguese-speaking countries. I think this is the clear heritage, and how to do a good use of a historical heritage in terms of what is the Portugal and China relation.

Indeed, the tariffs escalation that we see around the world will, beyond any doubt, impact trade also between China and Portugal and the Portuguese-speaking countries as a whole. But we hope that solutions can be found to that issue also. And that brings me to the point that I would like to pick up, which is the importance of multilateralism.

Let me begin to use a quote—that’s why it’s probably going to sound good, because it’s not from my own—it’s from the Secretary-General of the United Nations, António Guterres, former Portuguese Prime Minister. He said that “Multilateralism is not an option but a necessity as we build back a better world with more equality and resilience, and a more sustainable world.” This has been said by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, but could easily be said by any Portuguese political responsible.

Indeed, we do believe that multilateral institutions have been at the core of the progress in very different and relevant areas, not least to say human rights, disarmament and non-proliferation, trade and economic development, humanitarian assistance, and last but not the least, fighting global challenges, amongst which, for instance, climate change or the loss of biodiversity.

But in spite of that, we see today that multilateralism has been questioned in several ways. One of the reasons why multilateralism has been challenged is probably because it stands on the basis of the recognition of equality of all parties—or, well, equality of all parties, almost, I would say—because we always have to think and remember that there are some differences. And P5 at the core of the Security Council are there to remember that to us.

It’s this—I mean, the multilateralism and the principle of equality amongst all parties—that ensures that the strength will not prevail over the less strong, and also reminds us that the wealthiers should not exert their wealth in their own egoistic stake, but also should exert solidarity to others in need, which basically establishes the basis for the humanitarian aid or development cooperation assistance.

So, if I may, to make it clear: multilateral order asks for respect to established rules, but also for restraint of those who are in a powerful position.

We have no doubts of the need to review—because of the current circumstances and the fact that the multilateral institutions that we have now in force are actually the heritage of post-war events—we have no doubts that we need to review methods of work, rules, and in many cases even membership of those international organisations.

But we also believe that this can only be done through dialogue. That should be that. If not, then we risk to see new international formations pop up. How important these new international bodies might be, a group of like-minded discussing amongst themselves will not help much to overcome disagreement or to bridge different views. So the challenge is to put people who think differently together, discussing.

Let me just stress two points. First, no organisations of said multilateral nature should be established in view of the interest of a few, but in the light of the interest of the majority. Second, no country should be able to prevail in self-egoistic interest, in others’ prejudice.

Portugal supports dialogue. During our membership of the international community—full membership of international community, I should say, which means basically after ’74, after the revolution, after the democratic regime has been established in Portugal, 1974—we have been working and bridging with different communities and constituencies in the world.

Let me remind that, for instance, with Spain, Portugal shares the Ibero-American community, which established yearly dialogue with Latin American countries. With Portuguese-speaking countries around the world, we established in 1991 the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries.

The second European Union–African summit was held during a Portuguese presidency of the European Union. The first Brazil–European Union summit was held also during one of the Portuguese presidencies of the European Union. And we held the first ocean summit under the auspices of the United Nations, thinking about this unbelievable wealth of the seas that should be shared. And it is so important for so many countries around the world, particularly the SIDS.

And finally, you just began to mention how Portugal and China overcame their differences, interests, and size of their economies to establish a bridge with Portuguese-speaking countries also around the world.

So to go back, we support dialogue. We have always advocated dialogue over any other form of disputes or disagreement resolution. Thank you very much.

Tammy Tam

Thank you so much. Ambassador Paulo, dialogue and conversation are so important at these chaotic times. I do agree with that.

Now, I would like to turn to the Ambassador of Spain to China. Your Excellency, Ambassador Marta, we all know the Spanish Prime Minister recently just visited Beijing, visited China, and met President Xi. This visit actually was considered or held as Spain and other European countries taking a pragmatic approach when the world is now facing increasing unilateralism.

China believes with this practical approach, countries can work together or join efforts to safeguard the consensus on economic globalisation by injecting stability into the global economy.

So I would like to hear from Ambassador Marta and your views on this.

Marta Betanzos Roig, Ambassador of Spain to China

Good morning, everybody. Thank you, Tammy—a very pertinent question, and also for being invited.

This is a question that has been addressed many times recently. Of course, there are a few countries now that are visiting China, whose prime ministers and high officials are visiting China as frequently as in the case of Spain, which I believe is a good way of showing that dialogue must remain in order to get closer and build constructive trust.

This is one of the main deficits, I believe, that are now growing among us, because difficulties and differences in the multipolar world are showing that this lack of understanding is based mainly in lack of trust. That’s why I believe that we should tackle this issue: Why is this lack of trust building so many misunderstandings?

One of these misunderstandings is that, for instance, the trade war is raising barriers between the EU and the United States. Another of these misunderstandings is that China and Europe are trying to find a new balance in this context.

I call them misunderstandings because these are not the only truth or just the one truth. These are different ways to approach difficulties, but not the only ones.

Countries, on a bilateral basis, continue to have or hold their own bilateral relationships, not only upholding their own interests, but also the interests of the surrounding, so to speak. This is the case of Spain. Spain, apart from being Spain, is also a very much European country, and upholds definitely all European values and policies.

Finally, I would like to say that for Spain and also I believe that all European countries, one of the reasons for holding this kind of misunderstandings and lack of trust is the different approach we have towards certain global problems and challenges—climate, for instance; security, for instance; competition, for instance. And let alone war—war in Gaza, war in Ukraine. Different ways of calling even these wars, like conflicts, crises, which is not the approach we want to give them.

So, how is it related to materialism and multipolarity?

Well, in fact, even though our world is becoming more and more multipolar, which is obvious—and it’s natural, because countries are evolving, and they are now raising up more voices—we need common principles. We need rules. And that is why we need multilateralism. And of course, we need to abide by these common principles. Again, not abiding by these common principles is another cause of lack of trust.

Well, I will just leave it there. I am just talking without a script because I have been appalled by your question. So thank you very much.

Tammy Tam

Thank you so much, Ambassador Marta, for your very honest and candid sharing. You’re so right. In a multipolarised world, trust is very important, but trust is not easy to build. And trust can also be destroyed if we don’t safeguard it carefully.

For Europe, the EU, of course, there are many different countries. Difference, of course, naturally will exist. But difference is not the worst. In Chinese, we have a traditional saying—there’s an old Chinese saying: to seek common ground from differences. As long as we can seek common grounds, I think gradually we should be able to build trust within the EU and globally, between China and different countries as well.

So, this round about Europe, I will take a pause. We still have ambassadors from other countries, and we also have my very well-respected Chinese diplomat, the former Consulate General to New York of China, Mr. Huang Ping, here. I now will let my very good friend James ask the other questions.

James Chau

We have a couple of ambassadors remaining who come from all continents, including from Europe. So we’re going to try and capture the global picture in this part of the programme with, for example, China, Norway, India and such. Let’s start off with China, Ambassador Huang Ping, who most recently served as Consul-General in New York and also in Chicago. He was Ambassador in Zimbabwe. Ambassador Wang

HUANG Ping, Vice President, China-U.S. People’s Friendship Association (SCUSPFA); Former Chinese Consul-General in New York and Chicago; Former Chinese Ambassador to Zimbabwe

Thank you. We are facing lots of challenges in today’s world. And to solve all those challenges, to tackle those challenges, I think a perception—to realise that we are in the same boat, or living on the same planet, living in the same community with a shared future—is very important. Here I would like to echo my point with Ambassador Zhang Jun, who delivered a keynote yesterday.

So, first of all, to build trust or unity is very important. But trust or unity must be based on the perception that we’re solving those problems of our own selves. It’s not some people’s, other people’s problem, but we are working together to solve these problems.

In this regard, because of the differences in this whole world and the degree of development is so different, I think major powers should play a major role. Big countries should show more responsibilities to work together, to set an example, to show this world that we can work together.

Here, I especially want to say: if we could work with the U.S., if the U.S. could also follow principles like mutual respect, peaceful coexistence, and win-win cooperation, and we work towards the same direction, I think we can join forces to lead this world.

That’s the first thing. I mean, unity is so important. Tariff war is not going to get this problem solved of its own.

My second point is that we have to stay with this multilateralism. I hear lots of complaints about the malfunction of the UN and international organisations, but we have to realise that complaint will not make this more functional. So, rather than complaining, we need action. We need to work together to support the reform of the UN and international organisations. That’s also a very important thing. We need to work together.

My third point is, this world is now going through a process of economic transformation. Lots of new technologies are making this world very different, injecting energy and in the meantime causing problems. So we have to make sure, in building this community with a shared future, nobody is left behind.

This is so important. Unilateralism and those things come over here because the distribution of the wealth in globalisation is not that fair and just. So working together to make sure countries, like many African countries—like I worked in Zimbabwe—are not left behind in this economic transformation is so important.

So that’s why I here echo Ambassador Marta’s call to build trust. I also want to say we need to build unity and solidarity. Only by working together can we build this world into a better place.

I quoted the Chinese old saying yesterday: a single tree does not make a forest, a single string can’t produce music. This denotes that we all belong to the same world, so we need to work together with unity and solidarity.

Thank you.

James Chau

Thanks very much to Ambassador Huang Ping. The words that you used there—of leaving no one behind—which you repeated a couple of times, obviously invokes the spirit and the mandate of the Sustainable Development Goals, where there’s that reminder that this 15-year mission only has four and a half years remaining, which is very close, and everyone is very, very off track, accelerated by, of course, the pandemic, from meeting that mission.

And then, of course, you said, rather than complain, what are the action points? So I’d like to ask the Ambassador of Norway what those action points are, because, of course, your country has a rich tradition in global trust building. Norway’s contributed significant financial support to global trust funds, including multiple donations to the WTO Global Trust Fund to aid least developed countries and support technical cooperation. It’s also, of course, a key contributor to the Western Balkans Control Roadmap Multi-Partner Trust Fund. And of course, there’s that long tradition of peace negotiation, having participated in resolving over 40 conflicts worldwide by building trust through patience, neutrality, and, of course, long-term engagement.

So when you look into that—I mean, that may be second nature to someone like you in diplomacy in that country—but what are the fundamental skill sets that you can pull out from there that can be applied to what we’re here to discuss, which is: how do you navigate those complexities in this multipolar world? How do you overcome and work around some of the obstacles that we currently face, not as one country, but as one country in a big universe?

Vebjørn Dsyvik, Ambassador of Norway to China

I will give you my recipe for solving multilateralism in the multipolar world. First, I would just like to say, Tammy Tam talked about Western unity, and we should remember that Western unity is always relative. We have also a long history of competing with each other, having differences of opinion, different economic interests. But I think what we’ve seen in the past few months has been beyond anything that we’ve been used to.

Our strategy faced with this has been no retaliation, no negotiation. We don’t believe that escalating measures are a meaningful way to move for the global economy. We understand that others see it differently, but we end up being extremely concerned. And concern, as Thomas Pickering used to say, cannot be your foreign policy strategy. You have to, as James alluded to, think about what you are going to do.

I think I will highlight three things.

First of all, I think we need to strive to make multilateralism work better. Ambassador Osman from the AU talked about the dispute settlement mechanisms in the WTO. We have to find ways to make the WTO work. We have to find ways to make the other UN organisations work. And some of those issues are practical.

I think another issue is, of course, financing. This is not the time to reduce the financing to the UN system. We know that countries are facing financial difficulties, but we don’t think that you should. This is both because we need the multilateral system to function and also, of course, the signal that it sends. If the North cuts financing to the UN organisations, what kind of signal does that send to the Global South?

And then maybe, if we feel really ambitious, we should look into the issues related to UN reform and reform of the institutions. They are set up mirrored on how the world looked in 1945. We have to make them look the way the world looks in 2025.

I think the second thing we can do is to try to make globalisation work better. Partially, that is doing things with the WTO, but I think we all need to be transparent about our industrial policies, the support we give to state-owned enterprises. We need to make sure that when we implement security measures to restrict the global production patterns, we need to make sure that those are actually security measures and be transparent about them.

And then, I think we also need to recognise that there are structural imbalances that we need to address. It’s not going to work in the long run if you need [to be] always right, and China will have 45% of global industrial manufacturing in 2030. That is not going to be sustainable.

And we have too many vulnerabilities. These are not related exclusively to China. If you want to make the most advanced semiconductors, you need 1,500 inputs, out of which many come from just one place. There’s a mine in North Carolina—Spruce Pine, North Carolina—that produces 99% of the purest quartz in the world. And you need this quartz. And there was a hurricane—Hurricane Helena—in North Carolina. Then the mine closes for two weeks.

We are probably an earthquake away from nobody being able to produce the most advanced technologies we have, because some of those semiconductors come from one place in the world. So this is too fragile. And I think the pandemic also showed us that we need to address this.

And then, thirdly, we need to stand up for international law. And it’s not easy, because if it were easy, everybody would have done it a long time ago. But we need to put pressure on Russia to end the illegal war of aggression against Ukraine. And those who have the most possibility to put pressure, they really need to do that.

We need to put pressure on Israel to stop their operations in Gaza. We need to put pressure on the parties in Sudan and the countries that support them to end the conflict there, because the main source of human rights abuses, the main source of us not being able to reach the Sustainable Development Goals, are violent conflicts.

And we need to do—everybody needs to do—whatever they can. We do what we can, but we’re just a small country. Everybody needs to do what they can to end these conflicts and put pressure on the parties.

Thank you.

James Chau

Thank you very much. Now to the Ambassador of Australia, Scott Dewar. In today’s increasingly multipolar world, where power is distributed among multiple influential states with differing values and interests, how does Australia navigate the challenge of upholding international norms and rules-based order, while also engaging pragmatically with rising powers that may have different and divergent approaches to these norms that we’re speaking of today?

Scott Dewar, Ambassador of Australia to China

Thank you very much. Good morning, everyone, and thanks very much to the China Center for Globalization for organising this conference.

I’m going to focus on the practical steps, and I’ll be brief in the interest of time. It’s all about making sure the UN, the multilateral system that has developed rules through which we all operate by is maintained. And it is important in that context that we call out the biggest challenge to that system: the violation of the sovereignty of other countries, including the immoral and illegal invasion of Ukraine by Russia. That is the biggest threat to the multilateral system.

I’d like to propose three practical steps we can take.

We all acknowledge, first of all, that the multilateral system does face stresses because of the changes in the world. So our efforts have to be focused on making sure we can preserve the essential functions that support the key pillars of the UN system: peace and security, human rights, and sustainable development.

For us, we will continue to advocate for a more representative, effective, accountable, and transparent UN, and that includes securing greater representation on the Security Council for Africa, Latin America, the Caribbean, and, of course, the Asia-Pacific.

Of course, the WTO is the other key pillar of the international system, and we recognise the WTO rules have not kept up with the modern global trade challenges, including some flagged by my colleague from Norway, and others, including rising competition. What we’ve got to do is make sure that we grasp the opportunities coming up, including a WTO mini-ministerial in the margins of the OECD ministerial meeting in a couple of weeks’ time, and then the work in the lead-up to the WTO Ministerial Conference in Cameroon in March of next year. We’ve got to make sure that we focus on real progress at those meetings.

Second, we’ve got to lean into the issues that matter most, where we’re developing new areas of multilateral cooperation. That includes particularly ocean and environment. So we’ve got roles supporting the new UNCLOS High Seas Treaty. We’re very strong supporters of UNCLOS, as I think everyone would understand—the UN Ocean Conference as well—and we’re also bidding to host COP31 with our friends from the Pacific next year.

The third thing we should do is make sure that priority is being given to internal UN reforms. This is a detailed administrative matter, I accept that, but it’s really important in the circumstances that we’re in. We need a One UN approach with one budget, one set of impactful incomes, and a focus on preserving priority functions and field office delivery. That’s what we’re working to.

We believe that through these sorts of practical steps, the multilateral system that has delivered so much for the world over the past eight decades can be strengthened to respond to new and emerging presses and challenges.

Thank you.

James Chau

Thanks very much, Ambassador. I think that leaves us with one more ambassador, but please correct me if we’ve missed anyone else, the Ambassador of Argentina, Marcelo Suarez Salvia.

Marcelo Suarez Salvia, Ambassador of Argentina to China

Thank you very much. Distinguished Co-Chairs—Professor Wang, Mr. Chau, Ms. Tam, esteemed fellow ambassadors, distinguished guests,

It is a pleasure and an honour to participate once again in this forum. Over the past year, I have witnessed the steady and thoughtful work of the Center for China and Globalization in fostering meaningful dialogue across cultures and continents, and that’s why I want to congratulate Professor Wang, Dr. Mabel Lu Miao, and all the CCG team for all this progress. I am truly grateful for the opportunity to be part of this important conversation.

We are facing one of the most complex moments in human history. The acceleration of technological change, the fragmentation of political consensus, and the growing depth of global challenges such as poverty, inequality, and food insecurity demand deeper and more effective international dialogue. These transformations are reshaping how nations and regions engage with one another, and they underscore the importance of building cooperation over division.

In this context, the strategic competition between major powers has become a defining feature of the global landscape. For countries like Argentina and for many others in the developing world, it is essential that this process unfolds in ways that do not limit our capacity to grow, connect, and contribute.

And global stability matters. Despite today’s international uncertainty, it is important to highlight what Argentina has been doing in this context. Over the past months, Argentina has launched a comprehensive process of economic reordering aimed at restoring macroeconomic balance, increasing competitiveness, and improving the conditions for investments and trade, bringing down tariffs.

These reforms are more than internal adjustments. They are a clear expression of the way Argentina seeks to connect with the world, and of the kind of world we aspire to help build—one where economic exchange and freedom of trade are the foundation for inclusive development, mutual benefit, and international progress.

In that vision, trade, investment, and innovation are not just means for national growth. They also bring societies closer, generating opportunities and enabling peaceful cooperation across diverse realities. Strengthening these links requires trust, openness, and above all, predictability and dialogue.

History has shown us that even in times of great tension, cooperation is possible. In the 1960s, during the Cold War, the two major countries worked together to eradicate smallpox. Their joint efforts succeeded, saving millions of lives and offering a powerful reminder that shared human objectives can overcome even the deepest divisions.

As we reflect on the question posed by this roundtable—what does the future hold?—I believe the answer depends in large part on our ability to listen and to engage. The more dialogue we foster, the more cooperation we will see between nations, and the brighter and more peaceful the future of humanity will be.

Thank you again for the invitation and for the opportunity to contribute to the dialogue.

James Chau

Thanks very much to the ambassador. I think we’ve now run through that list of ambassadors and leaves me to hand back to our chair Dr. Wang Huiyao for some of his closing thoughts.

Henry Huiyao WANG

Thanks, James, and thanks, Tammy, for the excellent moderation of this roundtable.

We actually had 10 ambassadors from different parts of the world come to this annual Ambassadors’ Roundtable at the CCG Annual Conference. So it’s really great to hear the voices from different parts of the world. And it has been very constructive in the spirit of enhanced communication, understanding, and collaboration.

This is a really excellent tradition that CCG has had for the last 10 years, and we would like to continue it. All your voices will be digested, summarised, and broadcast live on our social media. We really appreciate the opportunity and the contributions that all of you make.

And then, because we are running a bit out of time, we’re going to go right into the next round, where we have the China–EU Policy Roundtable: 50 years of diplomatic ties between China and the European Union. We also have a lot of experts. Particularly, we invited the EU Ambassador, Ambassador Toledo, who is going to give a keynote in the next round of the roundtable.

So really, again, I would like to thank all the 10 ambassadors, also the Ambassador from India, and all the other ambassadors who participated in this roundtable. And also, particularly, our moderators Tammy and James for the excellent moderation.

Thank you to all the participants. Thank you for your attention. We’ll go to the next round. Thank you very much.